The Age of Revolution

[Kaez]

Cordially addressed to Willem III of Orange, King of Great Britain and Ireland,

A proposal for a treaty of unity and alliance between your majesty's kingdom and the United Dutch Provinces, as ordered by Henry de Nassau and the States-General.

TREATY
of
UNITY and ALLIANCE
between

The most serene and potent William III, by the grace of God, King of Great Britain and Ireland, Defender of the Faith and the Peoples of the Republic of the Seven United Netherlands, by the grace of God, according to Henry, Lord of Ouwerkirk.

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For the purpose of uniting the nations of Great Britain and Ireland with the Republic of the Seven United Netherlands under common intentions and interests according to the articles listed herein. Both nations cordially agree, under penalty of this allegiance, to remain purposeful and intent towards fulfilling the articles of demand listed as follows:

I: To put into effect actions which will further the campaign against piracy and all vandalism, robbery, violence, or acts otherwise affiliated with pirates and piracy on waters foreign and domestic.

II: To contain the advances of the Franco-Spanish on both land and sea, wherever they may be found, and to yield the powers of the French and the Spanish from establishing a singular, Bourbon Alliance.

III: To bring to power Henry, Count of Nassau, Lord of Ouwerkirk, Master of the Horse, as Captain-General of the Republic of the Seven United Netherlands, by the grace of God, by blessing of King William III.

IV: To act in allegiance should conflict, militarily or diplomatic, fall upon the nations bound by this treaty: Great Britain and Ireland and the Republic of the Seven United Netherlands.

V: To uphold honest and decent worship of the Protestant Faith according to the Ninety-Five Theses and to act towards the expansion of the True Religion wherever it cannot be found.[/blockquote]

[James]

Cordially addressed to the government of the Dutch Republic and its many peoples,

A suitable re-proposal of a treaty detailing the military alliance between the two glorious realms of King William III of Great Britain and Ireland

Treaty of the Anglo-Dutch Alliance

To unite and affirm the common purposes of the realms belonging to King William III of Great Britain and Ireland and Stadholder of the United Provinces so as to bring long-lasting peace and wealth to his domains.

In the sake of long-lasting prosperity and alliance, the governments of both Great Britain and Ireland and the United Provinces agree to the following:

Article I:

To stop the furthering increase of Franco-Spanish interests in both Europe, the Americas and the subcontinent through diplomatic, commercial and military means.

Article II:

To support and fight for the Spanish Crown for the Archduke Charles and to stop the union of the French and Spanish monarch under the Dauphin.

Article III:

To eliminate piracy in the Caribbean, domestic waters and the trading routes of the world and therefore bring greater security and greater prosperity to all of the King’s realms.

Article IV:

To champion the Protestant faith across Europe and the outer regions through peaceful missionaries and to reaffirm the Protestant faith and its teaching as the religion of each state.

Article V:

To declare John Churchill, the Duke of Marlborough, as Lieutenant-General of the British Army in King William’s absence.

[Kaez]

It was at the dawn of 1700, according to the soon-to-be-implemented Gregorian dating system, when I found myself accompanied through the streets of Vlissingen with fellow military commander, advisor, and dear friend Joord Coster. Protected from the wind and slight drizzling of rain, I held in my coat pocket two scrolls of parchment, one being the abrupt and hollow variation on the treaty that the British had tried to pass off as sufficient, and the other being an official order from the States-General granting me full permission to sign into order our own treaty, should the British accept it as-is.

We were on route to the VOC plaza and harbor at which one John Churchill, evidently the Duke of Marlborough, was sent to meet us to discuss possible revisions and compromises on the treaty. Having personally overseen the writing of our own articles, I found nothing in them personally objectionable, though admit to not having expected the British, or Churchill, to feel similarly.

Article one through three were of little concern, being fully aware that the dangers represented by them were equally if not more worrisome to the British as they were to us. Article five addressed Protestantism, which was not as of yet the national religion of the Provinces (namely due to the inevitable disapproval of the indigenous population of Ceylon), but was well into effect in England and this was only reinforced by the reign of my second cousin, Willem III, on the throne.

Article four would be of concern, I expected, thought I could not logically understand the purposes of the objection. The British were a divided and varied people, even more than we, and while some of them would certainly see the logic in an alliance with the Dutch, I had anticipated since the writing of the treaty that it would not be without argument that it would eventually be a part of the final bill. My hope rested in Churchill being a decent and logical man, who understood the obvious benefits of an alliance with the world’s most widespread maritime force (though Joord insisted I should not have been surprised if the British had believed they already had such a navy).

Their own treaty, as he was also quick to point out, was not without its own flaws. He noted that its five articles hastily summarized four of our own and, in typical British manner, spoke bluntly and blandly without mention of any benefit towards the Dutch. It was true that we would struggle to hold our own in Europe or the Caribbean against a French or Spanish advancement, but we had a strong alliance with Austria and funding from the Mughals and Marathas in India to provide the proper backing for a long-held defense.

The British, on the other hand, could not gather a foothold on the European mainland without our assistance. If the French and Spanish were to unite, as rumors at the time were strongly suggesting, England would lose mainland Europe. With the great income in resources gained from an pact between them, the alignment of the two continental powers would soon encompass all of Europe, only to be followed by Asia, the Indian continent, and the Americas. Indeed, the English faced a grave danger which could only be overcome with the assistance of a close and familiar enemy of the French and Spanish on the mainland.

They needed us; and to dare think that they would not offer anything towards the benefit of the Dutch was repulsive. The British, by the terms of their unacceptable proposal, could run through the Netherlands, capture Paris, and never fear for things turning on them, for they could always escape to their island fortress and lock the world out until the smoke cleared. We had no equivalent defense. While it was true that we possessed colonies in the Americas and off the Indian continent, both were vulnerable. If we lost our stronghold on the mainland, we would be without choices and defeated.

Hitherto, we had kept a keen watch on our borders and kept our relations with Austria as close as possible to ensure we would have some fall-back should the French or Spanish seek to further their claims. With a military allegiance with the British, we would promptly inform the continental powers that any move they make is a declaration of war against not only the Dutch, whose mainland claim could not withstand an invasion of both forces, but with the British as well.

The Spanish were daring and the French were eager, but neither of them sought open war with two navies of such potency. Indeed, if the British had honest intentions on holding the advances of the French and Spanish and remaining the third of the World Powers, they had little choice but to make a military allegiance with us, no matter what their jug-headed politicians might have to say on the matter. Churchill, I prayed, would be a man with an understanding of politics and not too naïve of the threat of the Franco-Spanish conquest.

Joord was less than optimistic. He had a serious distrust of the British, and the Irish, and the Austrians, and seemingly everyone with whom we did trade. Indeed, I cannot recall a single account in which Joord praised the actions of another nation or its peoples. Xenophobia is too technical and defined of a term to describe him, though distrusting is too subtle. Put simply, Joord Coster was my advisor for one reason: he always assumed the worst of people, and I, typically assuming the best, found this a refreshing insight: a constant reminder to be cautious of those who might seek to take advantage of my trust, or more importantly, the trust of the Dutch people.

The English, Joord explained, were aware of the invulnerability of their homeland, and would never hold truthful to any treaty which did not allow them to retreat to the Isles should fortune turn against them. “That may be so, and maybe not,” I told him with a smile as we exited the VOC Hall, the rain-darkened Vlissingen Port (the Dutch East India Harbor at Flushing, as the British called it) filled with merchants and sailormen alike.

One ship, a particularly elaborate vessel, was just being docked as we arrived. Joord made notice of the English flags and pointed towards it. “I’m surprised they haven’t painted the whole ship red after what they’ve done to their army.”

“Shush,” I commanded with a slight smirk. “We can’t underestimate the importance of this treaty, my friend. John Churchill may carry with him the fate of our world.”

[James]

The Hornblower skipped across the sea quickly towards Flushing Harbour, something I was incredibly thankful for, my stomach never quite sitting with the idea of sailing. I had been left alone in my cabin to look over the two treaties that the King had commanded me to negotiate into one uniformed treaty for each of his realms. It was hard work, made no easier by the fact that I could spend no more than a few seconds reading before the rocking of the boat made me want to empty my stomach across the Dutch treaty.

It was a treaty full of high-flown language, I remembered thinking that the Dutch were obviously trying to appear far grander than they were. After all my own treaty was simple and to the point, there was no need for such heavy language to a simple alliance. I assumed most of the Tories at the time would have given their right arm to destroy the Dutch treaty in such a way that my stomach intended me to.

While having lost control of parliament only several months before, they still had a strong voice in parliament and one that both the King and I knew could cause trouble in the inevitable European war. The Whigs approved of all five articles of both the British and Dutch version, however as I was told repetitively, the Tories only approved in principle the articles concerning French interests, piracy and religion. In practise, I knew it was to be only religion, which would actually have support for the majority of them. War upon the continent was something that most Tories were not willing to commit too.

However I had the Marquis of Halifax’s assurances that if a version near to my own British version were presented to the Lords, it would pass. Meanwhile Sarah’s Whigs allies would make sure that the treaty would pass in the Commons. Therefore my one concern was on Article IV of the Dutch treaty, which pledged aid to each nation if conflict should arise for the other.

I saw no problem with this; indeed British interest could be further increased with force on the mainland. However Halifax would refuse anything that could lead to Britain being forced into a European war that wasn’t in the vineyards of France or Spain. I knew my opposite, the Lord of Overkirk, would argue for such a provision to be placed in the final treaty but such a provision would cause the Lords to reject the treaty and for our alliance to be in jeopardy.

It was in my cabin in the Hornblower where I decided where my compromise might lay and salvage the alliance and my own position in King William’s retinue. The Dutch were a small power that had overreached itself. I could only assume that they knew their history and could see Portugal in the southwest, struggling bitterly against Spain to hold onto their power and were afraid of such a thing happening to them. They wanted assurances that should France to the west or the rising Prussia in the east bear down upon them, they would have an ally to defend themselves with.

While I knew war with France was even a prospect most Tories couldn’t fail to turn down in this current situation, any fight in the east would be rejected utterly by a Tory government. However in regard with the navy, both parties had proven themselves to be far more liberal in their use of it. I knew that I could give the Dutch an assurance that should they run into conflict, while the British Army might not be sent, the Royal Navy would give them support. That was my only hope for British glory as the ship sailed into Flushing Harbour.

The situation in Europe and the colonies were vulnerable at that time for Britain. In Europe, while the Jacobites had been defeated in Ireland by the King ten years before, the French still supported them in regards to the British throne. And France was becoming a superpower in European affairs, which was preparing to become unstoppable with the union of the French and Spanish crowns. It was this union that I was determined to stop along with Dutch and possible Austrian aid. The treaty would give me the command of the British Army, and my immediate course of action was planned to be a sweep into Flanders and then with onto France and Paris to make the Christian King bend his knee.

The Dutch could surely see the need for such an alliance against a Franco-Spanish empire; after all it would be them that would take the full blunt of their force. While I knew that we could hide behind the Channel, the Dutch would need British support to arrive and I hoped would therefore greet any treaty with Britain as an almost religious intervention.

Meanwhile in the Americas, while the Thirteen Colonies were growing prosperous, the Native Americans were proving to be more troublesome than I could ever imagined and the outpost of Rupert Land was in a perilous situation. The Caribbean was a source of interest as well; a potential battleground in a war with France and Spain, meanwhile piracy caused a constant harassment. I was banking on using the Dutch to help strike out at their land bases and leave them scattered upon the sea without supplies.

Finally in India an intriguing situation was arising as the Mughal Empire began to shrink against a movement of Hinduism. While I had no wish to deal with the subcontinent, seeing my place in Europe, the King and parliament were about to commission a fleet to attack the region of Bengal and gain a foothold in northeastern India. I have always disagreed with the decision; it took many troops away from the main theatre of war.

Regardless of India, as I looked back upon the situation at the time, it’s plain to see how important my role was to secure a lasting treaty and alliance with the United Provinces. A thought that travelled through my mind as the captain of the Hornblower came down to my cabin to tell me that the ship was anchored and that the Lord of Overkirk was waiting for me at the docks.

[Kaez]

“The pleasure’s all mine,” Duke John Churchill smiled, glancing towards my assistant

“And this is Joord Coster,” I spoke in introduction. “A personal advisor and fellow general. Joord, the Duke of Marlborough.”

“A pleasure,” Joord spoke quickly.

“Likewise, sir,” Churchill nodded.

I requested the duke follow us to the main hall, and he seemed fairly pleased with the choice of room. Indeed, the VOC was known to receive guests of special importance from time to time and the main hall was designed with particular splendor to accommodate precisely such an occurrence. The carpets were made of a fine, silk cloth and gold and crystal decorations of the most elegant sort were sparingly placed about the room.

In the center, a large wooden table, finely polished to a bright shine, sat with three grand, cushioned chairs about it.

“Please, sit,” I spoke, gesturing towards the chair on the opposite side of Joord’s and my own.

We took our seats and an assistant offered drinks, which the three of us promptly declined. I contemplated for a moment, considering how to begin a conversation with such a highly-regarded Englishman about a matter of great political importance, but the duke spoke up first.

“Let us not waste time discussing the issues we’re in agreement upon. Our focus is upon compromising where our interests conflict.”

The Englishman spoke like he wrote, quick and to the point. Joord would later describe being disgusted at the man’s bluntness to begin our conversation, but he kept his tongue behind his teeth and awaited my reply.

“I couldn’t agree more,” I spoke with a polite tone. “I’ll assume, based on your retort to our own proposal, that proposition four is the one with which you find error.”

“You assume rightly,” Churchill confirmed.

“A problem with validation, then?” I inquired.

After a long pause, the duke explained thusly: “As you might well be aware, Britain’s political scene can at times be complicated – complicated and quite idiotic. While some may be willing to accept your terms, for most, any treaty proposing the feasible landing of British forces to the east of the Dutch Republic is unacceptable.”

I expected such a reply and, in my anticipation, was quick to counter. “Most may be overlooking the obvious importance of a British base on the mainland. Without a formidable position on Europe itself, something you have no other way of acquiring besides a military alliance with the Dutch, you would have great trouble in halting any expansion on land.”

“Assuming we wish to make such a halt,” the duke replied. “The Tories have no intentions on getting involved in a European war; they won’t be so easily persuaded.”

I sighed at their naivety. “European conflict is coming, whether they want to be involved or not,” I spoke in a tone less friendly than I had hoped. “Eventually the war will come to Britain.”

Churchill nodded. “They understand the British may have little choice but to take part in a Franco-Spanish conflict, but that does not mean they’re willing to accept such wide terms. You need our aid more than we need yours. If the French or Spanish make an advance, the Netherlands are the first territories between them and an eastern conquest.”

“Which is all the more reason why the British should be inclined to take up a position here,” I said, not understand the trouble with the request.

“I agree,” spoke Churchill, “but as I said, the terms are too wide to be accepted. The British army won’t be permitted east of here. The very most we could spare for an eastern conflict is naval support – we cannot promise to support the Provinces with arms in any conflict that should befall them.”

I explained that the Dutch had no problems to the east and as such we hadn’t any reason to request English troops there. I had surely hoped for an exception-free military allegiance, but if such could not be offered, we had little choice but to accept as much as the British were willing to grant us.

“I’m glad you see it that way,” he said. “It may be rewritten so that we grant an unshakable military alliance concerning colonies and all of Europe west of Amsterdam – but not east.”

I turned to Joord, who gave me an expression of raw disapproval, and then back to the duke. “The States-General are too caught up with the French and Spanish to even consider an eastern conflict – and Austria remains a close friend. That’s acceptable.”

Churchill smiled politely at Joord. “I’m pleased to hear that. I see no reason why it should not pass in both houses.”

“The States-General will accept, too, God willing.”

Churchill paused for a moment of thought. “Well then, seeing as we’ve reached a reasonable compromise on that, are there any other issues with our proposal?”

I shook my head. “No, indeed I bel—” I stopped myself and reconsidered. “There is the minor issue of wording on article four of your own. The use of ‘each state’ in terms of religious institutions. The Dutch have many colonies, not all of them as Protestant as the Netherlanders may be, if you understand.”

“Ah.” Churchill shook his head. “Obviously the Calvinist parliament and king would request an enforcement of Protestantism. Poppycock, if you were to ask me. They’ll put it in print to please themselves and the church, but they won’t police it, I assure you.”

I smiled at this: the pleasant feeling of a deal well settled. “Well beyond that, I see no reason why this treaty should not be approved.”

“Excellent. If the Dutch and British alike ratify the treaty,” Churchill elaborated, “then my expeditionary force will be granted approval. We’ll land at Flanders and aid in the retaking of the Spanish Netherlands. Our foundation for a French assault will be built.”

At this, I was taken aback. I had expected the main cause of our own allegiance to be in the halting of the French and the Spanish, not the assault of them. I explained this and questioned the exact force which he intended to bring into the Spanish Netherlands for this most unexpected decision.

“My own, of course,” he said with a smirk. “An advance is more strategically sound than a defense. If they were to attack you, they have carefully planned and organized if. If you are to attack them, you are the organizer. With an assaulting force of British and Dutch, we could reach Paris before the Spanish knew that France had been invaded.”

This, even more than the previous statement, startled me. While he brought to attention legitimate points of tactical concern, he was unsettlingly eager to attack. I was not sure whether it was the Dutchman in me or a personal strategic style, but a patient and impenetrable shield seemed more feasible against the Franco-Spanish than an invasion of their massive claims did. Still, these were the British: their infantry renowned and their generals unwavering. Indeed, with them at our sides we posed a legitimate threat.

“My only concern,” I told him, “is that the Dutch may not wish to seek war on their own claims if any other option is present. Holding off the pirates has already occupied a full division, the people will not wish for more bloodshed in the Netherlands.”

“As you said, Lord Overkirk, war is coming, whether you want it or not. It is better to fight on our own terms than theirs. And the pirates, I assure you, will be combated as well. It is the belief of the British that the forces of our colonies can be used to fend them off while our mainland armies march towards the French.”

I hesitated to reply. “A full war on two fronts is very different from a conservative halt of advancements. I’m not sure what the States-General will think about this.”

Joord scoffed at me, speaking up for the first time since I introduced him. “I agree with you in full, sir,” he spoke to the duke. “I will have no trouble explaining the necessity of these actions to the States-General. Fate must, at times, be taken in the hands of those who wish to change it.”

I let out a brief chuckle at him, something between surprise and sheer disbelief within me, and he looked back with a flat, serious stare.

“I’m glad you think so, General Coster. I’m sure the States-General will understand the economic and patriotic support of the reclaiming of the Spanish Netherlands.”

I glanced between the two of them, feeling completely isolated from the new turn of the conversation, and seceded from argument. “Very well, then. If my colleague is confident enough of his ability to work the minds of the States-General, then I shall see it done.”

The duke stood and looked us over before we stood with him. “I hope to be here again to sign the final order within the month,” he said with a content and satisfied tone.

“And we hope to meet you here,” I said, Joord nodding in agreement.

“Then I must be going, I’ve made an appointment for a room to stay overnight,” spoke Churchill.

“Not making the return journey just yet?” I asked.

He shook his head. “I haven’t the sea legs to sail another league. I owe myself a night on dry land.”

I stifled a laugh and Joord did, too, the both of having spent much of our lives on the sea and not relating to the Englishman’s issue in the least.

“Get some rest, then,” I said and waved.

“Tomorrow,” spoke Churchill as he turned to leave, “we take the next step toward making an Anglo-Dutch treaty a reality.”

“God willing,” I said. “God willing.”

[James]

Even I was surprised at the speed that I was sent by the King to return to Flushing Harbour to oversee the signing of the treaty by both the British and Dutch. It had only taken a month for both the States-General of the Dutch Republic and the two houses of parliament to approve the treaty complied by Lord Overkirk and myself.

However the speed of the approval didn’t mean it was smooth sailing, as one of the nine Lord Justices I had sat through the debates in both houses and had watched hopelessly several times as it appeared that the treaty wouldn’t get enough support. The new Whig government was quick to throw its weight behind the treaty, and I was under no illusion that I had my dear Sarah, to thank for that. In the Lords though, a different story took place.

The Marquis of Halifax had approved of my treaty and rallied his base around it, but in the beginning even that appeared to be too little. At that time a chasm was beginning to open between the Whigs and the Church. The bishops were unhappy with the Whigs open view to other religions and therefore would try to reject anything that the government would try and pass. The result of this situation was the bishops had joined in alliance with Lord Sunderland’s northern Tories to reject the treaty with a slim majority.

At the dawn of the new century I had only one confidant in parliament, the redoubtable Sidney Godolphin, the Duke of Shrewberry. When the King was placed on the throne our plan was to have me as commander of the armed forces and place Sidney in the role of First Lord of the Treasury, which was quickly becoming the unofficial head of government. However with the rejection of the treaty nearing we decided to change our focus, Sarah and Sidney becoming Princess Anne’s most trusted aids.

This change left us with something to bargain with to Lord Sunderland to try and gain his support. I met with him in our common gentlemen’s club two days before the vote and laid down the offer that I knew would save the treaty. If he, and his allies, would vote in favour of the treaty then the office of First Lord of the Treasury would be given to him. It was obvious from his facial expression that night that he couldn’t refuse such an offer.

Sidney and I knew the dangers that such a bargain would make, the King’s two chief advisors at home would be Halifax and Sunderland. It was always my opinion that Halifax could be trusted, but having work alongside Sunderland under King James II, I deeply feared leaving the King’s ear in Sunderland’s reach. He cared little for the continent; in fact it was evident through his career that he cared little for even the south of England.

However the King was tiring quickly and we gambled upon Anne quickly becoming Queen and allowing for the force of power to shift back into our direction. Regardless of everything else that happened in the King’s reign after Sunderland’s rise to power, the vote passed the Lords with a slim majority of 323 to 280 and I had upheld my end of the bargain to the Lord of Overkirk.

The following day a letter arrived from the Dutch saying that their government had passed the treaty and would like for a representative of Britain to travel to the city of Middelburg to sign the finished treaty. Sunderland had insisted in his new role he should be sent but I had organised the treaty effort and planned to scout the landscape of Flanders in the coming weeks anyway, the King wisely decided to send me.

Which led me to stepping out of my carriage, Sidney with me, into a dreary wet street of Middelburg, only a month after I had left the Dutch coast with a new uniform treaty in my possession. I could see the Lord of Overkirk standing upon the steps to the city hall, his loyal aid standing next to him keeping him dry. I must admit that on both occasions I had met Mr. Coster he had displayed a vibe of hostility, which did not seem at all welcoming for ‘allies’.

Regardless of Mr. Coster’s attitude towards myself, the Lord of Overkirk seemed most gracious at my presence and we headed inside, escaping the rain that was pelting down upon Sidney and myself. Further introductions and light talk were made before the treaty was placed on a podium within the centre of the hall and both Overkirk and myself signed it and applied the respective seals of our countries. All of the successes and failures that would follow would be due to the Treaty of Middelburg that the Lord and I had created, and I only hope that history will see it as a diplomatic piece of genius.

The Treaty of Middelburg 1700

To unite and affirm the common purposes of the realms belonging to King William III of Great Britain and Ireland and Stadholder of the United Provinces so as to bring long-lasting peace and wealth to his domains.

For the purpose of uniting the nations of Great Britain and Ireland with the Republic of the Seven United Netherlands under common intentions and interests according to the articles listed herein. Both nations cordially agree, under penalty of this allegiance, to remain purposeful and intent towards fulfilling the articles of demand listed as follows:

Article I:

To act in allegiance should conflict, militarily or diplomatic, in the outer world or west of the city of Amsterdam, fall upon the nations bound by this treaty: Great Britain and Ireland and the Republic of the Seven United Netherlands.

Article II:

To stop the furthering increase of Franco-Spanish interests in both Europe, the Americas and the subcontinent through diplomatic, commercial and military means, and to yield the powers of the French and the Spanish from establishing a singular, Bourbon Alliance.

Article III:

To put into effect actions which will further the campaign against piracy and all vandalism, robbery, violence, or acts otherwise affiliated with pirates and piracy on waters foreign and domestic.

Article IV:

To champion the Protestant faith across Europe and the outer regions through peaceful missionaries and to reaffirm the Protestant faith and its teaching as an accepted religion of each state.

Article V:

To declare John Churchill, the 1st Duke of Marlborough, as Lieutenant-General of Great Britain and Ireland and to bring to power Henry, Count of Nassau, Lord of Ouwerkirk, Master of the Horse, as Captain-General of the Republic of the Seven United Netherlands, by the grace of God, by blessing of King William III.

[Kaez]

(( Well... to anyone who happened to be reading this... it's on hiatus. They released the multiplayer campaign and it was so filled with bugs, it hurts. So... it's just not going to happen yet. One day, hopefully, but not yet.

In the mean time, I'm looking to write a solo version of a similar story. Not sure if James is... ))

[theredbaron]

((

*standing ovation*

I assume this is based off the Empire: Total War campaign you two are having?

))

[Kaez]

(( Yeah, we were going to start a multiplayer campaign on this, but the beta they released was too bugged to possibly use.

I'm starting up my single-player version of this right now. ))